Shafaq News/ The subject of the relationship  between the Kurdistan Region and the federal government, and their complications;as a result of historical of secretions that cast a shadow on the move of the political process, orientation of the Federal Democratic, drawn by the new Iraqi constitution,still causing fears of a return to the point that ended with the former regime of unilateral tendencies in the government and the state of loss of confidence that results from such an approach, and highlights from time to time in the form of crises afflicting almost to the overall political process and return to square one in the words of politicians in the new age .
Still Kurds are fearful of these trends and interpret them as returning to steal rights (gains) obtained with blood, sweat and years of long-missed major opportunities for the development and catch up with civilization and the civilized world, which now living  in light of the new revolution of technology thanks to the openness that made available and shortened distances and still removing the  blocking in the remote village in the world.

Kurdish political analyst Ismail Badr Cherokee is trying to open dialogue we conducted with him unpack some of the hieroglyphs to explain the form of the relationship between the Kurdistan Region and the federal government.
Cherokee said that this government is the product of historic opportunities created by the devastating systems that made the previous anti-Kurdish cause to create a special status and the type of security, collect all the powers into their own hands, to be used against the Kurds by doing historical re-burning the same securities.
He counted political action of the Faily Kurds  as golden ring and a bridge of excellent communication between all the components of the Iraqi people and Kurdistan and the rest of Iraq, as a result of their distinctiveness two fundamental points governed and are calling the political dominant on the political map of Iraq , they are nationality  and doctrine, contrary to what some see who is trying to strip them from their nationality.
Cherokee criticized the case of estrangement between the Kurds in the Region anf the kurds outside the Region and the limiting of information  to be known to the inhabitants of the region about their countrymen on the reports of correspondents in the elections, and deal with the subject of the sense of nationalism within its relation with the number of voters in the election.
Cherokee confirmed the strength of national loyalty and national roots and originality of the Faily Kurds that would otherwise be possible returned to find something can be called Faily Kurds in Baghdad, adding that they do not need the sympathy of the masses as much as they need to Kurdistan political situation of the Kurdish leadership.
Government is the output of historical devastating
Q / What do you think are the similarities between the positions of the current Iraqi government with the former Iraqi regimes?
Badr Ismail Cherokee: there is a strange  similarity between the positions of the Iraqi government with the previous governments, if we analyze the historical political positions of enemity made towards the Kurds, this will show us all points and marks of the historical milestone, which was the previous governments made during the abandonment of their promises and their covenants made for the Kurds.  You might say that this government is the product of the destructive historic opportunities created by the previous regimes, and I think that the government at this stage feels that it needs to revive the use of those historic opportunities.

Q / Why does the government want the return of such historic opportunities?
Cherokee : If you examined the matter deeply you can see that all the regimes of Iraq made the anti-Kurdish cause to create a special status and the type of security,to collect all power into their own hands and re-produce  a form of a unilateral military trend similar to what was happening during the war and fighting, and the suspension of all aspects of freedom, especially with regard to democracy and elections and postpone them for a unknown long time.
And I think that the people in charge of this government and before the advent of the next election are making the conditions similar to those that we talked about the situation and make it a reason to get on the power and comprehensiveness are also muzzling opponents mouths and keep them away from power .. To this end, the anti-Kurds and the war against them is the only means used by the Iraqi regimes since the monarchy since 1922 and through the covenants Qasmia and Alarifia  and fiinally the Baathist, to be the governing body only in Iraq and muted by all the opposition of the Interior, and to return the same historic burned papers and put it on the table to benefit of them and some other destructive principles inherited from the former Iraqi regimes to be used by them against the Kurds.

Q / Can you mention some of these papers , and whether the military pressure,is included?
Cherokee : the government is now taking advantage of some of the papers of ethnic and sectarian differences and the different dialects and geographical differences, for example with regard to the issue of Faily Kurds, the prime minister has put his hand on the point of a very sensitive .The sensitivity  of the the issue of Faily Kurds has two sides, the first is that the Faily Kurds make up the depth of Kurdish influence within the heart and geography of Arab nationality  in Iraq, the second that they have the same depth within the Shiite sect. While  this depth is a strong point for the Kurd in this sensitive site because they are ideological and cultural bridge but it is in the same standards a weakness of the government in Iraq (the new  in naming and old in content), which aims to the power unilateralism as you want and see the Kurds in which disruptive only in front and reached their targets, and this is a section of those papers that  are played by the government, but it recognized that the military side does not have the luck that was available for the rgimes that preceded it easily.
Are Failies a component or a part of the people?
Q / in the time that the government could not, however, restore only about 5% of the looted properties  and real estate of Faily Kurds and a small number of Iraqi Faily akurds  restored confiscated citizenship documents so far, but some ask them to be an independent component . How do you  understand this contradiction and duplication?
Cherokee : The issue is conspiracy before it have been a plan, the Ba'athist regime had made thousands of young Faily Kurds diappeared and confiscated all their property and expelled them barefooted, naked, outside of Iraq, and this was physically financially geographically unjust, but you are talking about government injustice against a national cultural issue and deduction of  the other part of the segment, and cut off the roots and destruction of the foundations and rules of a particular institution of its history, native language, the paradigm and all its elements of national and this is a hidden side of the call for the Faily Kurds, to have an independent entitiy and here we can see that the former regimes practiced a chauvinist policy, but what some in the current government calling for , is a chauvinism of another kind.

Q / What message do that some people want to send by  calling for an independent Faily Kurdish component?
Cherokee:In the beginning, we want to know the message sent by the Kurdish leadership for the Faily Kurds , because the message that you ask  about did not come by accident and it did not come for the delight of Faily, so we must first read the letter of the Kurdish leadership, on the grounds that it regards a part of the parts National Kurdish, when Mr. Massoud Barzani in his recent clarification of the will of the Kurds in Baghdad, the Government responded that the Kurds in Baghdad are guests, it is now and as a complete defense of its positions say to the Kurds outside the region to look out for non-Kurdish identity, and this is a real threat .But here too, there is a pressing question, what have the Kurdish representatives in Baghdad done ? Did they a clear word or a position in defense of the vision and positions of President of Kurdistan Region?
We know each other via the reports of correspondents
Q / To what extent the citizens of the Kurdistan Region were informed about  the situations of the Kurds outside the region?
Cherokee : I think that the explanations and analysis provided to the citizens of the region about the situation of Kurds outside the region are limited to reports of reporters that were published by accident or during the elections in newspapers and region magazines, which reports an abstract based on the percentage of the vote at the ballot box and deal with its object a sense of nationalism or not relative to the number of voters in the elections, away from the considerations of the political, social and security in those areas outside the region, and these reports have a psychological effect on the reader, showing  the negative side  and can never portray and reflect the reality of the situation and the sense of nationalism of the people in these areas in a positive way, but there are in the region in general  a kind of sympathy and solidarity with Kurds outside the region. The  Kurdish political leadership can depend on the national real sympathy in the Kurdistan with the Kurds in those areas, to practice its policy with the federal government for the farthest point in those areas.
Different Kurdish visions
Q / What is the extent of the  seriousness of the Kurdish political leadership about the national project? We can see two different visions?
Cherokee : Yes, I agree with your opinion on this subject, it is likely that all political Kurds observers and abroad feel of the existence of different opinions about the Kurdish national project, for example, the two parties who are among the largest owners of balance and political equations have different visions .One is willing to maintain the constants nationalism at any price and the retreat on that is a red line, but the other party believes in political work with all of the Iraqi political forces. This is  the opinions and the commitment of the two major forces. But , it's up to the people of Kurdistan for the choosing any of political opinions that is the closest for achieving its goals.You know that there is a consistent principle , appeared in the September revolution . It was clear that in addition to liberating the Kurdistan land, the most important issue is the liberation of the Kurdish personality  by the definition of the Kurdish identity.
Sectarianism overcoming
Q / What is the effect of the doctrinal side of the Kurds outside Kurdistan Region, especially most of them are followers of the Shiite sect? In other words did the Kurds overcome the issue of sectarianism?
Cherokee / I think that the presence of Kurdish Shiites for the Kurds and the Kurdish issue is a great privilege in Iraq. They are Shiite among the majority of the population, it is true that in Kurdistan there are many religious parties and extremist ideology, which belongs in its origins to the different Islamic sects and not related in any case  to the Shia doctrine, but these  parties are not the decision maker's in the Region of Kurdistan. The parties that hold power in Kurdistan are secular and democratic and they , had bypassed  the problem of religion, and according to my estimate,the lax is mostly appearing  in the political decision and the reason is due to the lack of plans and programs, and the clear and specific strategy for the issue of nationalism. This  is a crime and, unfortunately, the Faily Kurds bear most of the burdens and I do not think other than this, that the Kurds in the region care of doctrinal differences with their brethren outside the region.

Kurdish Lobby

Q / How many must the number of Kurds outside the region be, in order to be defended by the Kurdistan Regional Government?
Cherokee : I think that if there was one Kurd living outside the region, the Regional government is obliged to defend him with all its available possibilities which suit its political, diplomatic, financial and military possibilities .The issue related to national sovereignty, the individual part of the sovereignty and the eminence and dignity of their nationality, what if it came to hundreds of thousands of Kurdish citizens who  are exposed to the threat of cultural fusion in their environment and their land and their property.
I think it should be on the Regional government and the Kurdish political leadership have to calculate their Kurd account (Lobby) outside the region at least.
Q / Where  does the danger in the form of the relationship and understanding between Kurds lie ?
Cherokee : If the existence of  land and geographic-specific standard is one of the conditions of the existence of nationality and one people, this question and answer also requires a disaster for the Kurds, despite the presence of information technology, which shattered the boundaries between the four parts of Kurdistan, the religious, regional intolerance, overwhelmed the sense of Kurdish Nationality, for example, when the recommendations was read that came out of the first scientific conference of the Kurdish language, which was held in Erbil recently, including the recommendation to make the city of Dohuk a center of the Higher Committee for the Kurdish language, some of the brothers objected to this recommendation as if it is a (war of civilizations ), and it was amidst a group of experts who, if not they are professors and senior academics and writers, they are preparing to say the least of the intellectuals of this nation, what if this matter hatched reversed to the lower classes of society of Kurdistan and see how the results will be.

Q / Which is better for the Kurds outside the region, staying in their areas or leave them?
Cherokee / staying  or not is linked to the parties that manage crises and agreements will be signed and the formation of governments, are responsible for the fate of these people and the situations in which they live, but I as an ordinary citizen watching the situation and looking forward to the prospects of these propositions, I can not be acknowledged positively the question that the Kurdish outside the region's National performance duty at the same time maintains himself fully, because Iraq is divided between good and evil and between Kurds and Arabs and between this group and those ,between the foreign domination and foreign domination, the other corresponding, and in such an atmosphere and space, the criterion of survival and resistance is the force only, and not any other logic.
In Iraq, the Arab view of minorities tend to disappear or decline, and without doubt, the Kurds also are exposed to this national and religious fusion .What is important is that any Kurdistan plan can save the largest possible number of these people, especially as the difference between the current rule and Saddam the tired people could give up Kurdism for little break, and manuals on this view, I talked to dozens of Kurds in Baghdad who insisted that only their uncles were Kurds.

Crisis Tax
Q / Is the Kurds outside the region to pay the crisis tax?
Cherokee:  The case in the past was  so as well, they were a bell sounding the alarm for the Kurdistan against the chauvinist mentality, whether national or sectarian or political or any other form  which created many of the disasters in the former era, and now things are axiomatic to return this mentality of those disasters are and in new mold , and in my opinion that at present chauvinism is living in modern case of integration and becoming a new carry the same risk to its past mental. This  question reminds me of what one of the brothers of Faily Kurd said to me when I asked him about the weakness of the national feeling, he has answered that we in Kurdistan if remember the sense of national in the national occasions, or in literary enthusiastic texts. We live the sense of nationalism every hour in our day, because we are paying the tax for being Kurds in a dangerous country like Iraq, for you. You have the mountains to hide in them  in case of danger, while  we do not even have mountains, we live in closed hell, and also he asked me why do you love our victims to grow? From this you can understand how much is the dark prospects of the Kurds living outside Kurdistan region.

Two different generations
Q / Who do you think is the closest to the Kurds in Baghdad?
Cherokee : Give me the opportunity to speak for two generations of Kurds living in Baghdad, the first lived  the sense of nationalism and defined with the outbreak of the revolution of September, it now lives its old age and closer to death than to life, and the other remaining a generation that was brought up his sons to political, national and linguistic "pious" (as fellow Shiites expressed), no legacy of national or remnants of the clear national spirit was left in them; so that we can direct reproach and blame them, in addition to the knives, of the Baath was a spotlight on their necks all the time. The life, culture and literature of the Arabs had been imposed on them by force. Without the power of national loyalty and national roots and authenticity no longer is possible to find something that can be named Kurd Baghdad to talk about it, so I think that the party seeking to achieve their demands and requirements and sympathizes with them and support them become closer to them than any other person or entity.

Between the public and officials
Q / In Kurdistan, which parties are closer to the Kurds outside the region, the public or the  officials?
Cherokee : It can be divided up on both sides, it is a relative issue, but people who understand the part of the reality of past Kurdish revolutions, know the historical role of the Faily Kurds especially in the revolution of September, and remember the historic tragedy suffered by Faily Kurds because of their national and revolutionary role , they see themselves as closer to the new generation of Faily Kurds, but Faily Kurds do not need sympathy and appreciation and gratitude . The public in Kurdistan need the political position of the leadership of the Kurdish, about if they were willing to give up some interests in favor of the national question of the Faily Kurds, or that you fight for it as you do for other things, that any serious political fight for them, this is a question the politicians would answer.

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